Currently, there are at least 30 members of the provincial police force stationed on the curvy road leading to Imran Khan’s Zaman Park home. The Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) chairman, however, strikes a lonely figure on the inside.
The days when the Tareens, Aleem Khans, and other political heavyweights served as his gatekeepers and rendered him unreachable are long gone. On Tuesday, nobody from the 2018 election clique or the PTI’s “regular suspects” was present, save for attorney Aitzaz Ahsan, who was led to the gate by Fawad Chaudhry after paying Mr. Khan a visit.
Lawyers, journalists, and security personnel enter and exit the room only after receiving permission from Mr. Khan’s personal security officer. Phone use is prohibited. It is clear that his protection is a top priority. After all, a shooter recently attacked Mr. Khan.
Imran Khan’s Interview
In an exclusive interview, Mr. Khan said, “I am relieved to be alive.”
Mr. Khan, who normally cuts a towering figure, was slumped over a walker and making laborious steps to his sofa, which surprised everyone. He was lying on a comfortable couch with his bandaged leg resting where bullets had chipped part of his tibia. One would assume that the assault had alarmed him. But Mr. Khan acted violently.
Imran’s Ties With Military
He did not hesitate to bring up his rocky relationship with the military establishment, the proverbial elephant in the room.
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It is evident that he has faith in the institution’s power and influence and believes that — within certain bounds — positive working dynamics can produce excellent results, even though many of his supporters now see him as a born-again democrat who wants to rewrite the rules of engagement between the military and the civilian government. But he claimed that their friendship soured after three years in office.
I’ve always thought that the army will play a significant role in establishing rule of law in the nation because of how strong and well-organized it is, according to Mr. Khan.
He recited the catchphrases that served as the foundation of his 2018 election campaign and served as the government’s major obsession: bringing the powerful to justice, eradicating corruption, and holding the mafias accountable.
But he lamented the fact that he had no authority over the National Accountability Bureau. The army had control over NAB. Nothing could be done by me. Yes, there are examples, they would respond; “we are working on it.” However, nothing would occur. I learned that the NAB was truly under the authority of the establishment, which was doing it to keep the politicians under control by keeping records of their corruption. Someone would be squeezed, but he would soon be released on bond.
The Start of The End
When asked when things between him and the army started to go south, Mr. Khan responded that the first indication was his government’s failure to punish individuals whom he claimed were involved in corruption.
The selection of the Punjab chief minister, according to Mr. Khan, was the second.
“The army leader wanted me to appoint Aleem Khan as chief minister of Punjab, but I refused. Because he had occupied and sold millions of dollars’ worth of government-owned land, in addition to having NAB charges against him.”
Aleem Khan responded to the question of why he invited him to his party if he suspected misconduct by saying, “We always assumed they were just claims. And he stood up for himself. However, when I inquired about Aleem with the deputy chairman of the LDA, he showed me on a map how Aleem Khan had taken over public property. This occurred towards the conclusion of my second government year and the start of the third.
The Split Between Khan And Military
Mr. Khan is unambiguous in saying that everything were great up until Gen. Bajwa asked him to appoint Aleem Khan as chief minister.
“They were well-organized, you could enlist their assistance, and our foreign policy positions were congruent. They have just been making deals with these thieves for the past six months, when they ought to be in jail.””The army was going after these people before I came to power,” to emphasise his point about the military’s impact on accountability issues. “95% of these cases were filed before my administration. He would not have been found guilty in the Nawaz Sharif or Avenfield cases, which were before me, if the army had not sent the two brigadiers to the JITs.”